Civil society is critical to post-apartheid development and democracy. Development will not work without the “buy-in” from “those elements not present in the state” (Chipkin, 1996), collections of various citizen groups, including business, labour, civics and other local groups (Oldfield, 2002). Heller and Ntlokonkulu have defined civil society as “all voluntary forms of association – formal or informal – that are not part of the state or kinship systems” (Heller & Ntlokonkulu, 2001). Despite the fuzziness of the definition, civil society is an essential contributing component of any true democracy. In a perfect world civil society is an equal partner with the state, functioning to express the desires, grievances, ideas and opinions, not only of the general public, but also of all minorities and marginalised groups.

Although the apartheid state prohibited black South Africans from civil society organising, such formations were critical to the struggle for democracy in South Africa. The South African apartheid government failed to recognise the inherent strength and influence of “civil society”. For instance, civil society was instrumental in undermining the Black Local Authorities, established by the government in 1982 to govern the black urban areas, challenging their legality and eventually causing their demise (Shubane, 1991).

Of national importance, these issues interest me in urban contexts in particular. It was the contributing actions of civil society that forced the National Party to concede that South Africa needed true democracy, with a multi-tiered government capable of communicating with and representing all its peoples. Civil society continues to be critical to urban developmental issues today.

In the urban context, local government forms the interface whereby the state can communicate effectively with civil society. All interest groups from the community must be represented, acknowledging that some groups, being more articulate than others, may falsely claim to represent the “general will” (Chipkin, 1996). Such is the essence of human society that seldom is “will” truly “general”, but rather varying and fragmented in purpose. The essential plurality of society must be recognised, and the possibility of the existence of a “general will” seriously debated. Can one civic body possibly represent the interests of everyone (Heller & Ntlokonkulu, 2001)? This question is especially salient in the South African context, which is socially fractured.

The importance of civil society in South African governance is acknowledged in national and local government legislation. The South African Municipal Systems Act 33, (Republic of South Africa, 2002) states that a “fundamental aspect of the new local government system is the active engagement of communities in the affairs of municipalities of which they are an integral part”, clearly accepting the existence of reciprocal rights and duties between municipal structures and local communities. South Africa’s new democracy, therefore, is faced with the challenge of maximising the involvement and representation of important civic voices, given their history of participation in the liberation struggles and their centrality in implementing development projects. They have an important role to play in enriching and deepening democracy in this country.

My research contributes directly to this project and is the context in which I wish to work in the future. My proposed research will be investigating the housing problems of a poor urban community that are the legacies of apartheid legislation. It will chronicle the history of the struggle for housing tenure by a civil group who had no “voice”. It shall in this way help correct injustices of the past. By facilitating tenure security among an urban community it will aid in their social and economic development. As will later be shown, this work links directly with my past research and activism.

The inherent distrust that many citizens have of local authorities is a legacy that the authorities themselves can change by engendering increasing trust of local communities through consistent engagement and positive outcomes. Today’s local government is still more accessible to some than to others, due often to a high rate of illiteracy, a lack of education, or the failure to grasp how the democratic process functions, especially among poorer communities. The building block of civil society is the individual, many of whom are not members of any representative body (Thomas, 2002). With every development project that gets to the grassroots level of society, more and more of these “invisible” individuals are being drawn into the democratic process, contributing to the successful democratisation of our country.

Civil society must make effective use of the new opportunities created for participation in their own governance by establishing representative community groups such as local civic associations, local development forums, nationalised civic organisations and community-based organisations. Many township residents are members of one or more civic organisation because of the “range of brokerage, lobbying, and conflict mediation services” they provide (Heller & Ntlokonkulu, 2001). The number of those participating needs to be increased to maximise the efficacy of the democratic system.

Although government legislation on all levels makes reference to the importance of the involvement of civic society in the decision-making process, whether civil society has become truly empowered to effect changes on the ground remains to be seen? The legacies of the apartheid era run deep, and the perception exists that planning professionals in local government have not genuinely changed their outlook or agendas (Dewar, 1995). Many of the officials who were involved in the apartheid administration continue to hold important positions within local government structures today. Their personal agendas must surely be questioned and closely scrutinised. Therefore, it is important to continue to monitor the effectiveness of communication between government and civil society, recording changes that are implemented and playing watchdog to those that are not, and to call local government structures to task where a lack or loss of communication and action is found.

Research aims
The focus of my Master’s research is on New Crossroads, a small urban community in the Western Cape. Many of the residents of this community came originally from the Old Crossroads informal settlement that had fought apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s (Cole, 1987), despite being excluded from any democratic planning process by the apartheid government. The establishment of the state-built houses in New Crossroads area resulted from the mediations of Old Crossroads civic associations. Today the community’s continued distrust of local government’s involvement in planning and socio-economic development is a legacy of those confrontational times, which were replete with corrupt government officials and community leaders. Many problems originated from those early days and remain un-addressed, in spite of democratic representation and new local government structures.

My primary interest is the unravelling of the contentious housing history of the New Crossroads community in order to discover the reasons for the continuing lack of solutions to their identified housing grievances. The insecure housing tenure of many residents that continues to manifest itself originated during the time of the Black Local Authorities, and in particular Ikapa Town Council which was responsible for New Crossroads. It is important to trace which government officials and bodies have been responsible for decision-making with regard to housing, now and then, as well as who implemented these decisions. By constructing this institutional history I hope to better understand the housing situation that now exists, highlighting the conflicts and making my findings available to the community. Such an historical reconstruction can also help to elucidate complexities found elsewhere in the Cape metropolitan area and may be replicable elsewhere.

Through my supervisor, Dr Sophie Oldfield, I have become involved with the Mandlovu/Mayenzeke collaborative development initiative. One of the activity areas of the Mandlovu Development Initiative is their Development Support Programme for the “design, facilitation and mentoring of civil society development initiatives, preferably as a partner, aimed at improving human and social development” (Mandlovu, 2003). Mandlovu is a non-governmental organisation acting as facilitator to a community-based organisation, Mayenzeke. Together they are compiling several detailed databases concerning socio-economic issues in New Crossroads. My research will make use of the community Housing Survey they conducted earlier this year to investigate the current tenure situation at grassroots level. The survey gives details regarding the types of tenure, the official owner of each house, who rent is paid to, and who residents have historically engaged with regarding their housing problems.

Using my expertise in Geographic Information Systems (GIS) the spatial distribution of tenure issues can be represented in map form, simplifying their manifestation. I will map the chronology of the housing process in this area in order to identify eras of decision-making and the officials and community leaders who held sway during these times. Through personal and perhaps focus group interviews I will be investigating the way in which the community has adapted its housing strategies in order to cope with institutional and legislative changes. I shall identify specific problems pertaining to both homeowners and renters. By creating a chronology of decision-making and hierarchical structuring it is hoped that the community can trace the reasons for the confusion that exists. Such records are currently rather tenuous and vague. By giving the community access to this knowledge I will be empowering them to resolve their own housing problems.

I am also involved in other socio-economic development initiatives currently being undertaken by the Mandlovu/Mayenzeke collaboration. One such project is the creation of a service directory for the local community, using home-based businesses in the area. I am presently mapping these services to complement the written directory that will be a guide for the community. In this way future home-based businesses may be encouraged and supported as they represent a significant form of livelihood for formally unemployed residents. Mandlovu plans to apply this in other areas of Nyanga at a later stage.

My Master’s research will be conducted in partnership with Mandlovu. The research will not only contribute to academic knowledge, by recording a history that has not been documented until now, but it will also directly feed into Mandlovu’s development initiatives in New Crossroads, in particular to rectify some of the housing problems through redress and the sorting out of tenure issues. This partnership makes the research exciting because it ensures direct engagement with civil society and the advancement of my own goals for the future.

My Honours research and its relevance
Grappling with development challenges is a longer term project that I have integrated into my studies. In my Honours year, 2002 at Stellenbosch University, I conducted a feasibility study for the development of a public ablution facility in Masiphumelele, near Noordhoek in the Cape. It was a holistic and comprehensive plan to improve the quality of life of a poor, urban community, whereby a “sense of place” would be nurtured, self-esteem improved and employment provided.

The proposed facility consisted of:

• A bath-house providing bathroom facilities to the multitude of shack dwellers, backyard dwellers, visiting sports teams and others lacking privacy for personal hygiene and access to hot water, and additional toilets
• A laundry providing large hand-washing basins, washing machines for those who usually take their laundry to the Laundromats in the nearby town, ironing facilities for those without electricity, and employment potential created by providing facilities for unemployed women to initiate a laundry service to others in the community
• A landscaped community park, so that women working in the laundry and those using the bath-house would be provided with a creative and aesthetic play environment for young children in their care and a quality environment for the general community, but especially the elderly
• Creation of a “sense of place” for those residing in the community, by providing an attractive communal place accessible to all with great aesthetic appeal.

South Africa truly is a land of opportunity. We have the opportunity to participate on the world stage and compete to be one of the most successful countries in the world. But for this vision to be realised, we need resources. The most powerful resource is people. Without ordinary citizens bringing about change, this country will not live up to its full potential.

To enhance the lifestyles of society and improve the state of the country, you need infrastructure. In order to strengthen and improve the economic growth of this country, the infrastructure needs to be maintained and upgraded to cope with the demand. It is vitally important to retain the country’s engineers. It is said that the field that has helped humanity the most over time is civil engineering, as it has provided clean drinking water, sanitation, proper roads and hospitals, buildings and other infrastructure to enhance the lives of all civilians. I am proud to be part of this profession.

Engineers are the unsung heroes of our society. They work tirelessly and selflessly in the background to ensure the upliftment of society. Civil engineers in particular, are involved in providing services and infrastructure to civil society. Being in engineering requires a lot of leadership, management and people skills. You constantly have to think of new and innovative solutions to everyday problems and it challenges you all the time. Engineers are constantly working in teams and making tough decisions that affect the lives of many people, but at the same time providing services and infrastructure that better the lives of ordinary citizens.

In December 2006 I will have completed my undergraduate civil engineering degree in the minimum required time (four years) and with an aggregate of between 60 and 70%. This in itself is already an achievement, as I am one of less than 20% of my first year class to have achieved this. Throughout my studies, I have achieved two class medals, one for CIV104W: Introduction to Civil Engineering, and EGS406F: Introduction to Environmental Management and Assessment. I believe that it is important to further my education, so that I may become a specialist in a particular field, and make more of a difference. I intend to obtain my Masters degree in Transportation and Planning at the University of Cape Town. I will be doing my Masters on a full time basis. The Masters programme has a large focus on the public transport sector in particular. Transport is the lifeblood of any city, helping people to get to better services and a better lifestyle.

Transport Engineering falls into the broad category of Urban Engineering. This field is dedicated to the engineering needs of society, and you work for the people. I am passionate about being in this particular branch of engineering, as I have the opportunity to work with a diverse group of people as well as touch and improve the lives of ordinary citizens without them even knowing it.

Having an engineering degree is a powerful tool, which allows you to shape the future, and thus comes with immense responsibilities. This degree, coupled with my enthusiasm and leadership abilities, will ensure that I succeed at any goals I set for myself. I intend to use these leadership skills to the best of my ability. I have always been in favour of social responsibility, as I believe that the more you give, the more you receive.

Even throughout our undergraduate degree period at UCT, we were encouraged to participate in projects that helped society. For our final Urban Engineering Course, we were tasked to conceptually upgrade the informal settlement of Doornbach, in Milnerton. Part of the design process is not just to design housing layouts, but to identify the needs of the community and then empower them. This includes giving them opportunities to improve their economic status, as well as provide platforms for social interactions and community uplift.

My belief in the importance of social responsibility is one of the reasons why I joined Habitat for Humanity at the University of Cape Town (2003-2004) as well as participating in the Schools Outreach Project (2004-2005). This involved going to schools in formally disadvantaged areas and encouraging pupils to study mathematics and physical science, as well as showcasing the various opportunities in engineering. I was also a committee member of the Interact Society (2002), a subsidiary of Rotary. The Interact Society arranged welfare work, visits to children’s convalescent homes, as well as street collections for charity organisations. Within these organisations, I have the opportunity to empower the youth, so that they might empower themselves and those around them.

I also feel it is important to volunteer for the University of Cape Town Open Day, to share my experiences with students thinking about making the same choices I have made, and sparing them from repeating my mistakes. I was also a volunteer for the University of Cape Town’s National Construction Week Programme, which saw grade 10 pupils from previously disadvantaged communities come together and find out about opportunities within the construction industry.

I have had the privilege of being selected to attend the International Youth Leadership Conference in Prague, in January 2006. The International Youth Leadership Conference is described as a “cross-cultural exchange of young ideas concerning the future of world leadership”. One hundred of the world’s brightest young leaders are handpicked to attend this prestigious conference. The objective of the conference is to enlighten young leaders about the inner-workings of the world’s most powerful decision-making bodies. This is achieved through the following simulations:

• A United Nations Security Council Crisis Meeting
• An International Criminal Court Proceedings
• Model European Union Parliament proceedings focused on an important current political issue. This year, the proceedings followed the Amendment to the Human Trafficking Bill.

Hul will hè ek moet stilbly daaroor, maar kyk, kyk
Tog liewe mense, die wèreld het ‘n miskruier goeword!
Hiedie is die stad waar hul kom om te verdwyn –
Dit is hier waar ons nie meer is of word nie.
Luister, die voèls fluit die wreedste feit –
Dit is maklik om die wèreld life te hè, maar selfs ‘n kus laat ‘n merk.
Niks kan ooit wees sonder om ook te word nie.
(Greeff D, 2007; “Dit is kwart voor vier”)

Who is going to teach voice when we’re gone?
(Singer J, 2007; Conversation outside the Little Theatre, Cape Town.)

In the years we’ve offered the course we’ve had one graduate in Theatre Voice ….. . (Mills E, 2007; Interview.)

Not long ago, I encountered a production of Shakespeare in which the actors spoke in native South African accents … It brought out new values in Shakespeare’s text, but it did alienate some in the audience and cause controversy. (Rodenburg P, 1997; 125.)

Accent is everything! Or is it? The way you speak counts! So says a recent study on class mobility among South African youth by Kuper Research for the International Marketing Council (IM) of South Africa. In fact, the survey says, accents count for more than people’s role during the struggle. (Rissen-Harrisberg M, 25 September 2007. “English as she is spoke”. http://.hrfuture.net/display web article.php?article id=268&category id=16)

… our voice has evolved with us, and is therefore a complex mix of background, physical make-up and personality … And because of this we quite involuntarily make a statement with our voice … to do with class, education and cultural background … . (Berry C, 2000. 16.)

We have, however, noticed a growing trend in the number of people who come to use in search of a new accent. We were recently approached by a well-known TV presenter who wanted to develop a western accent. When we asked her why that was, she said it was because the presenters with the western accents got the better jobs. (Rissen-Harrisberg M, 25 September 2007; “English as she is spoke”. www.hrfuture.net/display web article.php?article id=268&category id=16.)

Athol Fugard performed at the Labia. He performed in his own South African accent. And everybody thought, “Oh sis,” because nobody did that – nobody wanted to sound South African – you were always going to leave South Africa, you were always going to go and perform in London. (Uys P, 2003; Presentation At The Little Theatre.)

A South African accent really is a terrible accent. It’s a terrible accent. You can’t take to the [London] stage with that accent. (Pennington A, 2007; A Conversation In London).

Many theatre audiences come from the barbican of RP speakers and resent what they think of as their plays being done in anything but the correct accent. I have received too many letters of complaint not to know there is this prejudice among audiences. (Rodenbury P, 1997. 127).

I don’t have a problem with a South African accent, but there are many kinds of South African accent, and when, in an international movie, the villain has some stereotypically flat accent, it becomes very difficult to believe that Koos from Benoni is intent on taking over the world. (Hall T, 2007; Conversation In Johannesburg).

By way of introduction
As a political science student, much of the work that I have covered has had to do not only with the government as the primary political actor in society, but also the important role that civil society can and should play in bettering our communities. As the David and Elaine Potter Foundation has stated, “A strong civil society holds national and local government accountable; enhances democratic institutions and the quality of life of its citizens and helps strengthen and sustain economic, civil and legal rights.”

What follows is my own account of the challenges that face civil society and how they can be overcome in South Africa. I finish this paper by discussing the particular role that I intend to play in this regard.

I think that there are many issues within the developmental and democratisation discourse that in one way or another emphasise the need for a strong civil society. My feeling though, is that developing countries, and in particular those in Africa, face tremendous obstacles in this regard. There are a number of reasons why I believe this to be true. Firstly I believe that the patriarchal nature of our political landscape undermines the effort to bring about such important characteristics as accountability and transparency to our political institutions. A second, and somewhat related issue, is that of political systems that are dominated by political parties that used to be liberation movements. The third issue has to do with the way that underdevelopment creates a situation where “working for the government” is the only option.

In the next section of this paper, I would like to develop a brief analysis of these three issues.

Civil society and South African politics
As South Africans, I think that there are certain issues spoken about within a variety of discourses and disciplines ranging from academia to journalism, to which we have become very sensitive. We feel that in the majority of instances we have been misrepresented and that our development dilemma has been falsely diagnosed. We tend to argue that those who criticise African leadership and Africans in general for the problems of poverty and deprivation are forgetting about colonialism. In other words, we are often hasty to look for external reasons to our internal problems. This clearly makes a lot of sense given the fact that for the last five centuries the political institutional landscape in Africa has been dominated by foreign countries.

I make these comments because I think that the discussion on the need for stronger civil society in our country can be placed within a wider discussion on institutional transformation in Africa. Such transformation for me begins with a thorough look at ourselves as Africans, and the extent to which our habits and general tendencies with respect to authority and power, feed into authoritarianism.

Thus, regardless of who is to blame for the problems we face in our country and on our continent, the first step to fixing these issues is a critical look at our own problems with regard to political authority.

It is my contention that we have a tendency in Africa to allow for the emergence of a “big man” in politics. Throughout our continent, there are examples of this. By this, I mean that we tend to prefer leadership that takes on the features of, say, a Machiavellian Prince. While we have a recent tradition of uprising against colonial or minority rule, I believe that the patriarchal nature of our society is one of the greatest obstacles that we face.

In using the term patriarchal, I really refer to a phenomenon that starts at the most basic level of organisation, which is the family. In the African family father not only knows best, but he is protector and provider. It is because of this that his wishes must always be respected and never questioned. This is a phenomenon which has carried over into our political life in general, and for me one that poses the first obstacle to establishing a strong civil society.

Unfortunately under the ANC regime in South Africa and, in particular, under the leadership of Thabo Mbeki, this patriarchal nature has begun to emerge. The ANC is an organisation that enjoys tremendous support in South Africa, and nobody is saying that it should apologise for that. I would argue, though, that South Africans have a duty to challenge the patriarchal way in which politics is viewed in this country. I would argue too that this is not particularly a new phenomenon. The apartheid government under such leaders as P W Botha certainly showed similar characteristics.

How then do you inculcate ideas that foster a different kind of political life? I argue that the only answer to this problem is education. Education obviously has other functional purposes that have to do with employment and economic participation, but for me it has a role that is as important, if not more so. It is through the education of people that different conceptions of leadership can be discussed and eventually implemented.

I have a friend who comes from Zimbabwe. He and I are colleagues at the University of Cape Town. We regularly find ourselves discussing the plight of his home country. The one thing that he never forgets to mention in our talks is what he calls the culture of entitlement that pervades political leadership in Zimbabwe. He argues that the problems faced by Zimbabweans will not be overcome until the crop of leaders who fought for liberation have moved on. He emphasises that he and many others are immensely grateful for the achievements of their struggle heroes, but that they pose a problem in that their credentials as liberators now supersede everything else. In other words, in an environment such as that which exists in Zimbabwe and in South Africa, people’s technical skill and knowledge when it comes to leadership and administration matter very little because people are more concerned with one’s struggle history.

The need to establish a strong civil society is of paramount importance to South Africa, if we are going to build the kinds of institutional checks and balances that will prevent our degeneration into another Zimbabwe.

I have recently done a lot of work with an organisation called the Parliamentary Monitoring Group (PMG) in Cape Town. This organisation is funded by IDASA and it reviews the relationship between the parliamentary committees and the executive. The parliamentary committees are there to interrogate and scrutinise rigorously the work that government departments are doing, and particularly how they spend their budgets. While doing my work in parliament I have seen first hand the way that the broader democratic process is undermined by the considerable domination of the ANC. The problem is that the committees are made up predominantly of ANC members and so are the executive departments whose work they are meant to rigorously interrogate.

This experience more than any other has instilled in me the desire to be part of a broader system of institutional checks and balances, which operates outside of government, but continuously strives for the strengthening of the broad democratic institutional framework. I believe that the strengthening and sustenance of economic, civil and legal rights in our country depends so much on our ability to move away from patriarchal political thinking, and the culture of entitlement that is endemic to the liberation movement psyche. I believe that our systems need to mature. Such maturity is critical to the development of a democratic culture. It is necessary for South Africans to look at balancing power by creating legitimate, durable and lively systems that challenge government. By this, I do not mean systems that look to undermine government at every turn, but those that make government accountable and transparent.

Poverty is a third issue that contributes to what I believe is a lack of strong civil society in our country. My research has shown me that, in many developing countries, the lack of business and other employment opportunities means that government is, for the great majority of people, the only real chance of ever having stable employment. Inevitably, then, in these countries governments dominate the institutional set-up in such a way that few organisations or interest groups, if any, can challenge their authority. I believe that while there are countries around us whose problems in this area are more severe than ours are, we too have this problem. Records show that our government employs over two million people when combining the national, provincial and local spheres. This is a large number for a population of our size. It means, though, that our government dominates our institutional landscape in a way that really is a danger to democracy.

In 2006 I partook in a mentorship programme called the “Extended Degree Mentorship Program” at the University of Cape Town. It involved spending time tutoring young pupils from disadvantaged schools. Part of the work I did was to mentor a first-year student at UCT. I initially volunteered for the project because the idea of such a community role appealed to me, but having gone through it, I was amazed at the impact that mentorship can have on a young person. I realised amongst other things that we often make too much of the jump that people who come from less privileged schools have to make in order to get into the best institutions that our country has to offer. If a student is smart enough and driven enough, they can graduate from anywhere!

So, what will be my role in civil society? I have to say that, given my experiences in 2006, I think that my greatest contribution will be through mentorship. I believe in mentorship through education. My interests are in International Relations, and more specifically in National Security, but my passion, that which will give me the greatest satisfaction as a member of and leader in South African society, is to put as many children through school as possible. I want to find the children who are hungry to learn and to lead and I want to open doors for them. Not only that, however, I want to mentor them so that they can see that leadership doesn’t always mean CEO of some listed company or Minister of some portfolio or other. Leadership is mentorship. Leadership is guidance. It is the nurture and harnessing of the potential of one’s fellow man. If I can teach that to even a handful of my peers and those who will come after us, I believe that I will have served my country.

Many thanks.



 [back to top]

Celeste Coetzee My intended role in civil society

In order for you to understand my vision for the part I see myself playing in helping South Africa into an ever more successful future, you first need to get to know me better. You need to be able to see the world as I see it. I look at the world through the eyes of an optimist. Not in a rose-tinted glasses sort of way where I ignore some of life’s harsher realities. Rather, I recognise that the world is imperfect, but I doggedly refuse to relinquish the idea that things can always be improved. I continue to believe that even though today may have been disastrous, tomorrow always holds the promise of being better. Every day is a blank page upon which we can write another part of our life story. Like any book, some pages hold sadness, disappointment and hurt; but there are always some pages filled with humour, joy, love and hope. This is what makes a life story complete, peppering life with enough of what is good in order to balance that which is bad.

Within this paradigm I can work to overcome challenges because I know that in the future I will celebrate accomplishment. I recognise that because things can always be improved, I can also always do better. This does not mean that I do not revel in my accomplishments, I do, but I constantly strive to be a better student, daughter, sister, friend, partner and citizen. In striving to do better I find happiness, because everything always holds promise. If things are not ideal now, it is OK, because we can always find ways to improve the current situation.

Idealism without realism can be dangerous. Without recognising reality one risks being easily disillusioned. I think my idealism has been learnt from growing up in the family, community and country in which I did. We live in a country grounded in striving for ideals. We have a history of people striving for democracy in the face of apartheid. I was born to parents who were told they were second-class citizens. I was born at a time when there seemed like there could be no end to apartheid in sight, and yet my parents raised me – a coloured girl – to believe that I could become all I ever hoped and dreamt to be. They instilled within me the principle that with hard work and determination I could accomplish anything. Neither of my parents attended university and yet they both encouraged me to further my education. Even when I was not the best student, they continued to support me and believe in me. My early years as a student were riddled with failures. Making the transition from high school to University studies was something I struggled with, but I never gave up and learnt from all my failures, and continued to improve as a student. Growing up on the Cape Flats I never dreamt that I would one day be an Economics researcher. Now I see myself as doing nothing else. I work hard at my studies because I see myself as honouring my family and living up to the promise that they and so many others see in me.

I try to live a life of integrity. Who I am is closely linked to how I think and exhibited in what I do. In every sphere of my life I am an activist. I am not a passive observer of the struggles of others. I think that we can all be vessels for change, and it needn’t only be through big exhibitions of activism. If we actively engage with the issues of the day and choose to abstain from apathy, if we talk to one another and change our thoughts and our actions, we can slowly change the world. I recognise the importance of linking thoughts and actions and I am involved in many activities aimed at building civil society.

I view my contribution to civil society as outward radiating concentric circles. I start at home and work my way out. I encourage my family to vote. I speak to my friends about socially relevant issues and I support their causes. Recently I made a donation to a friend who was organising a blanket drive for children in Nyanga who needed to stay warm this winter. I also supported a friend’s initiative to provide rape kits to Mitchell’s Plain clinic. I donated underwear to compile 100 rape kits (which included a face cloth, soap, toothbrush, toothpaste and a change of underwear) to be given to rape survivors attending the clinic. I regularly support another friend’s annual Cuppa For Cancer drive to raise funds for breast cancer. I try to participate in the annual Women’s Walk on 9 August to raise funds for various causes. I support food drives and soup kitchens by contributing food, money or my time. I was part of Homesick International when we arranged a day of fun for homeless boys. I am focused on strengthening and supporting worthy initiatives, particularly new and small causes, which often need support the most. I believe that many people are doing lots of good work to make a positive contribution to improving the lives of South Africans. Whenever I am informed of a worthy cause I do my best to support it and encourage those around me to do the same, so that individuals may continue their great work.

In my community I am always available to publicly speak on issues surrounding HIV/AIDS, stigma, treatment, unemployment and other socially relevant issues. I am involved with youth groups at various churches. I work with young people I order to help them to develop life skills. I try to instil in them non-violent approaches to conflict resolution. We focus on how they can build themselves up, and those around them, instead of tearing themselves and others down. I am part of hospital and old-age visitations and enjoy encouraging and counselling individuals so that they can focus on life’s promise and not grow despondent. Whenever we visit we make care packages for the patients.

I support my mother’s initiative to provide Christmas party packs to children growing up in Lotus River. I grew up in Lotus River and we, and many residents around us, had few material possessions. On Christmas Day many children in Lotus River go without any special celebration. Within this context my mother decided five years ago that she would make some party packs and give it to some children on Christmas Day. This initiative is mostly self-funded, but we get contribution s from friends and family. The assembly of the party packs now involves a number of family and friends. The party packs bring great joy to the children who receive them, and it is our Christmas Eve labour of love. Assembling party packs on Christmas Eve has become a tradition in our household, and it is one that I intend to continue after my mother passes away. To many children the party packs are the highlight of their year.

I have initiated the Coetzee Merit Award at my high school, Fairmount Secondary School. Many children attending the school come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. I recognise that I got to further my education because I was able to obtain financial aid, but many promising students have their dreams curtailed because they cannot finance further study. At present the award is self-funded. I save approximately R150 every month and set it aside for the award. With the award I make a contribution towards one student’s tertiary education. It is a small award, the value is R2000, but the award may be used by the student to contribute to their fees, to purchase books or for living expenses while they are studying. My intention is to grow this award in the future, and to have the award managed and distributed by a separate entity. Arranging this will however take some time, and in the interim the award for the next few years may be mostly self funded. The first award will be given on 6 October 2007 at the school’s valedictory ceremony.

I have worked with the Bambanani Women’s Group, a group of HIV positive women in Khayelitsha. From these amazing and courageous women I have learnt many life lessons. They are often who I think of when I am writing up my research. Their faces, and the faces of many others in Khayelitsha, are the ones I see when I add my voice to those of many others calling for everyone to be offered the quality of life to which they are entitled. I have also worked in a team that has trained this group of women to be survey field workers.

As a researcher at the Aids and Society Research Unit my work is aimed at holding government accountable to provide a decent quality of life to all its citizens. I have added my name to many petitions over the years. Most recently I was part of the Treatment Action Campaign’s petition to re-instate Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge. I support non-violent civil action. I do believe that, like fingers, on our own we may not be that powerful but joined together as a fist we can be a force to be reckoned with.

When it comes to my research it is geared towards improving the lives of people who are marginalised. My Masters dissertation focused on the impact of Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART) on perceptions of health, and labour supply decisions, of patients in Khayelitsha. At the time of my research the dominant discourse questioned the relationship between HIV and AIDS and the efficacy of antiretroviral treatment. My findings indicated that the lives of people living with HIV/AIDS could be improved through extending access to HAART. My research found that HAART gave patients a second lease of life, and increased their desire to become active in the labour market. Notably highlighting that restored health did not necessarily create a demand for labour.

I want to continue to conduct socially relevant research that can be used to inform ways in which to improve the lives of all South Africans. My goal is to build on my own understanding, and also the understanding of those around me. I aim to ensure that my work is rigorous and methodologically sound so that it can contribute to existing knowledge. The world is full of questions and someone needs to try to find answers. My intention is to pursue a career in research (either as an academic or within the private sector) in order to attempt to find answers to pressing questions. I plan to be recognised as one of the top researchers in Economics in the country. My Masters, and being awarded the Founders Medal, has set the foundation for me to build on my research skills in order to achieve this goal. I view research as my vocation. In it I have found a source of joy and stimulation.

I want to continue to support the work of many others who are trying to improve the lives of others. My life is testimony to what can be achieved through belief and support. I plan to continue to grow into the potential that both others and I recognise in myself. My life story need not resound so loud that it rings down through the annals of history, but my story can resound within my circles of influence. I can be recognised as having lived a life of service and striving to make a difference in the lives of those around me. One of my favourite quotes is by Helen Keller. It says:

“I am only one, but still I am one. I cannot do everything, but still I can do something, and because I cannot do everything, I will not refuse to do something that I can do.”

My name is Julia Garlick. I am an Economics student, currently in my Honours year. Next year I will be studying for a Masters in Economics at the University of Cape Town. I intend to contribute to civil society by helping to create a population that is capable of sustaining and recognising the importance of civil society engagement.

Economics is, at its heart, the study of how to create resources and distribute them appropriately. The first question is a matter of empirical study, while the second is far more open to theoretical dispute, but still requires evidence to be debated thoroughly. In a state such as South Africa, it is very important for economics to make positive contributions to the development of the population, not only of the state. The dominant views among economists in a country will have an enormous impact on the direction of development adopted by the state. This, in turn, will have great impact on the ability of civil society to hold government to account. In addition, civil society groups have greatest impact when they target issues based on evidence. This evidence is often provided by economic research. Thus, economists can act as enablers of civil society, both indirectly and directly. I intend to play an active role in this process, by supporting policies that can encourage the development of civil society, and performing research that will allow civil society to function efficiently.

At the highest level, the advice given by economists can influence the policy directions of government, and thus help or hinder the development and activities of civil society. Civil society is strongest in countries that have a healthy and politically active middle class. Members of the middle class have sufficient spare resources, in terms of time and money, to participate in civil society. They have expectations about government performance, and tend to be well-educated concerning their rights and those of others. At the same time, they are not as complacent as the members of the upper class often are, as their interests are not always tied to tightly to those of the government. While poor people have strong expectations about government delivery, they usually lack the financial and human resources to hold government to account. South Africa’s poor is better educated about its rights than in many countries, but still has difficulties demanding them of government due to its difficulties in organising protest effectively or funding its legal campaigns. Thus, members of the middle class, with time, personal resources and high expectations about delivery from the government, often form the spearhead of civil society movements.

The case in South Africa is slightly different, due to our history of mass political movements. However, while the membership of civil society movements is comprised of the poor and disenfranchised, the leadership of these organisations, or their advisers and resource providers, are often members of the middle class. Thus, a key determinant of the health of civil society will be the size and strength of the middle class.

This is the entry point for economics. South Africa is on the right path of economic development, with a burgeoning middle class, but in the face of slowing growth it must be kept on it. In this area, economists disagree widely, and in this area I intend to make a contribution. It is very important that the debate over economic policy continues to focus on a more developmental approach. A middle class cannot be created through the retention and exchange of privilege; while black economic empowerment is morally defensible, the creation of a middle class requires broad-based development. Only through the creation of widespread employment can the broad-based growth that leads to the development of the middle class be obtained. If a few people are getting rich, and most remain poor, the middle class may become richer but it will not become larger, and thus will not expand the resources available to civil society. If this is not the case, privilege will continue to be contained within a small group of people, although the identities of these people may change. This would also be a recipe for instability, as the neglected poor become impatient with the lack of development. Civil society aims to work within the law to hold government to account; breakdown of law and order benefits it no more than anyone else.

While the goals of development and employment are generally agreed upon, there is widespread disagreement over how to achieve them. Too often, the facts of the matter are ignored in favour of ideology. It is vital that economists provide clear, unbiased evidence and advice on issues such as growth and unemployment. I intend to contribute in this area, once I have finished my training as an economist.

Economists can also contribute to civil society more directly. As well as aiding the development of civil society, economists should play a role in directing and supporting civil society activities. One of the primary roles of economists is research – collecting and analysing data, and making recommendations. Thus, economists can play an extremely useful role in identifying areas in which civil society should intervene, such as access to grants. All too often, economic research languishes in journals and remains unread by anyone outside the field. This is a great waste, as much vital information and many understandings can be obtained by reading the research produced by economists, whether in academia or civil society groups.

Civil society is largely based around interest groups. This becomes a problem when interest groups turn into lobby groups, as has happened in many developed nations. Civil society’s role is to hold government to account, not to hold it to ransom. Those who become involved in civil society activities have an interest in the area in which they act, either personal or altruistic, and this is inevitable and not a bad thing. However, given the limited resources available to civil society, it is important to channel these resources towards the most urgent or important tasks. Economists’ ability to identify very vulnerable members of society, or to discover government shortfalls, should be a boon to civil society organisations. In this way, focused and intelligent research can play a vital role in directing civil society movements. For instance, recently I conducted a study on domestic worker wages and employment benefits, which revealed that, to a large extent, domestic workers do not receive their legally prescribed benefits and earn below the minimum wage. However, there are very few resources available to them to pursue their rights. Thus, this is a neglected and needy area, which could benefit from civil society movements’ involvement.

On a more concrete level, economists can provide the analysis necessary for civil society to hold government to account. The triumph of South African civil society in the case of HIV/AIDS antiretroviral provision was in a small part due to Nicoli Nattrass’s painstaking and groundbreaking research into the cost of various AIDS treatment scenarios. Thus, even academic economists can make very useful contributions to the activities of civil society. In many instances, actual evidence is required to force government to fulfil its obligations or cease its infringements against its citizens’ rights. This evidence can, where appropriate, be provided by economic research.

Thus, there are several ways economists can contribute to the development and activities of civil society. My intended role is that of a qualified and thus influential economist. Research by less qualified individuals has less impact; this is perhaps unfortunate, but it is inarguably the case. Thus, to have a strong impact as an economist, I need to be well-qualified. In pursuit of this goal, I will study for a Masters in Economics at UCT. This will allow me to hone my skills as a researcher and develop a greater understanding of economics.

My deep commitment to poverty alleviation and community upliftment will ensure that I use my skills to work towards a better South Africa. I have participated in community development activities for the past four years, mostly in leadership roles. The organisations I have worked with are focused on sustainable and self-motivated upliftment, by assisting the education of previously disadvantaged scholars. For three years, I worked with TeachOut, a student-run tutoring organisation that provides academic support to high school learners in English, Maths and Science. I designed the English syllabus, to complement the Department of Education’s Matric syllabus. While working with TeachOut, I realised the power that small organisations have to create change. Despite our limited resources, we helped many learners to achieve their dreams and pursue better educational outcomes. I also saw that the networks created by small groups of people can have very large effects – there are many small community development organisations operating in Cape Town, and when necessary we can pool our resources and members to support each other. This sense of shared purpose and co-operation was very uplifting, and convinced me of the practical importance of civil society organisations, and ensuring that they have sufficient resources. While I have always believed in the theoretical importance of civil society, this real experience of its effectiveness and abilities gave me practical evidence for its role in a developing and democratic South Africa.

For the last year I have been working with SHAWCO, the official UCT community development project. This has shown me what community development organisations can achieve when well-resourced – I can only hope that more organisations get access to the financial and human support provided to SHAWCO, as it provides vital services to many disadvantaged Capetonians. These services are not only free medical care, but include such things as education and life-skills, after-school activities (conducted with community organisations in the war against drugs) and adult education. The network effects I saw in my work with TeachOut were reproduced on a larger scale with SHAWCO. Its ability to mobilise volunteers, resources and public opinion during the recent refugee crisis in Cape Town, by working with many other civil society organisations, was truly inspiring.

This is perhaps the greatest power of civil society – its ability to mobilise. While most of the work of civil society organisations must be done by a dedicated few who have sufficient time and resources, the true power of such organisations lies in their popular support, in their capacity to awaken the population to injustices and infringements, and channel that outrage into productive actions. As such, it is all the more important that it be given the correct information and resources. The role of researchers in creating a space for civil society, and promoting its activities, is great. I intend to make a real contribution to this field, through my academic skills and experience with community development organisations. I know the importance of civil society, but I also know some of the things necessary for it to thrive. I hope to help to create an environment in which civil society has the resources necessary to be a powerful, well-directed player in our developing democracy.



 [back to top]

Umeshree Govender Purpose

There is this profound saying that goes: “Intelligence is not a privilege, it’s a gift, and you use it for the good of mankind …” OK, so those words were actually said by the villain in a Spiderman movie just before he was converted to the dark side (yes I did just quote from a Spiderman movie) but I have to admit that it aptly sums up my view on life. When you grow up in a typical Indian community like I have, immediately after you start exhibiting any signs of intelligence by conventional standards (for example being able to say your ABCs backwards by the age of two), your family starts planning your lucrative future career as a lawyer or chartered accountant … or the more recent trend, an actuary. Of course, being the non-conformist I am, I decided to deny my money-hungry Indian genes and pursue a career in biomedical science to satisfy my innate desire to do good …!

So you are wondering of what relevance is this to my intended role in civil society, right? Well, it’s quite simple actually. Our continent is heavily burdened by infectious diseases such as HIV-AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, leishmaniasis and schistosomiasis and these diseases are associated with escalated medical care costs, prevent affected individuals from being healthy enough to work, and increase the number of orphaned children. Consequently they exacerbate and perpetuate poverty which not only stunts economic development but also leads to elevated crime rates. So, as a researcher specialising in Infectious Diseases and Immunology, I am able to contribute to the discovery of more effective treatment and preventative measures for these diseases which will help alleviate widespread suffering and effectively improve the quality of life of our people.

The impact of disease (especially HIV/AIDS) on poverty is no mere hyperbole. A 2003 United Nations Development Programme Report on South African Human Development, which stated that 48.5% of the population (29.1 million people) fell below the national poverty line at the time, shares the same sentiment. This report acknowledges studies stating that the HIV/AIDS epidemic contributes to a rise in poverty which in turn reduces the ability of the poor living with the disease to cope. New poverty is generated by the loss in employment and housing tenure and household incomes fall due to increased spending on medical care and funerals in addition to the loss of wage earners. The Report thus strongly argues for a “comprehensive response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic that includes the adoption of a multi-sector and multi-stakeholder approach encompassing prevention, treatment and care, and mitigation of the impact of HIV/AIDS.” This is of course where we researchers come into play.

Granted, what I have just described is the ideal situation. Truth is, there are thousands of scientists out there with only a handful actually making that earth-altering breakthrough, while the rest, although just as intellectually competent, go their whole lives hunched over a Petri dish with only a backache and bad eyesight to show for it on retirement day. But I’ll leave that mindset to the cynics. Experience has shown me that you don’t have to be a Ghandi or Mandela (although it would be nice) to actually make a difference. I mean, is the job of a teacher shaping the minds of the next generation any less noble than a politician lobbying for the basic rights of all our people? Well, maybe a politician isn’t the best example to use given the country’s current predicament, but what I am alluding to is that we all can be heroes or heroines in our own little way.

I have learnt this concept first hand during my extracurricular activities at the University of Cape Town. In my second year, when I’d finally realised that I didn’t have to be a complete nerd to get good grades, I joined that SHAWCO (Student Health and Welfare Centres Organisation) Masizame (“let us try”) team which entailed weekly visits to a home for children with mental and physical challenges where we performed physiotherapy and led simple stimulation activities with them. It was at this stage that I realised that a life led solely for ones own benefit is by no means a fulfilling one. Although I had been previously involved in Community Service as a member of the Scout Association of South Africa, merely collecting food or money for the underprivileged or a one-off visit to an orphanage did not allow me to engage on a personal and emotional level as did the SHAWCO project. It is only when this happens can one truly understand the impact and need for one’s benevolence. Unfortunately due to extenuating circumstances, visits to the home had to be discontinued but my motivation to, as Ghandi would say, “be the change you want to see in the world” was as strong as ever.

My following endeavours involved assisting the improvement of high school education locally as well as nationally. I joined “Teach Out” which facilitated weekly tutorial sessions at rural high schools in and around Cape Town. I chose to teach Maths and Chemistry (not surprisingly my two favourite subjects) and the joy I received from seeing the ah-now-I-get-it expressions on the students’ faces was perhaps the most rewarding feeling. How can it not be rewarding knowing that even if I only helped one of those students pass Matric, I had given them the opportunity to perhaps pursue a tertiary education, and perhaps create a brighter future for their children and in turn their children’s children and so forth? It is actually amazing how a mere good education can break the cycle of poverty. Again, this is no exaggeration, seeing that in every Global People’s Forum Civil Society Declaration, education has been emphasised as not only a fundamental Human Right but also a cornerstone of sustainable development.

It is for this precise reason that I was ecstatic when I heard of the FHSST (Free High School Science Texts) project which aimed to provide free maths and science text books for South Africa with the intention of not only helping students learn about calculus and organic chemistry, but also teaching them how to think logically and solve problems. These are invaluable skills that can be applied to all aspects of life and thus by instilling these skills in young minds we are helping the youth positively contribute to the future of our country. So of course I joined this collaborative effort and now, less than year later the team has released the complete maths textbook for Grades 10-12 and the biology and physical science text books are soon to follow. It is inspiring to think that this project that was initiated by a small group of scientists, has brought together scientists from not only South Africa but from round the world, all for the cause of educating our next generation. To say that it was an honour to be a part of it would be an understatement!

Being part of Teach Out and FHSST has definitely compelled me to be more instrumental in improving the quality of education in our country. Truth be told, I do not know exactly how I will do this, but one avenue to explore is eventually becoming a University lecturer. South Africa lacks scientists from historically disadvantaged groups, and having gone through the process myself, I know how much a lecturer can encourage (or discourage) a student in their studies. I know that I am passionate about what I do, and I know I will be able to convey that passion in the classroom and in effect motivate other young scientists to persevere in academia.

A major problem that I have identified during my Teach Out visits is that many students in the rural areas are not aware of the opportunities available to them once they have finished with school. They are unaware of what a career in Science entails and the steps that they need to take in order to pursue such a career. When I am in a position to do so, I intend on starting a mentorship programme for these students whereby they can come over to the university, see the laboratories and converse face to face with the scientists so as to get a feel for what exactly it means to be a scientist. Furthermore, students who then choose to follow that path will be assisted in the application procedure.

A second major problem is that although there is ample funding available for postgraduate studies in Science, very little financial assistance is provided for undergraduate Science degrees. This is in effect the bottleneck because if too few students enter at the undergraduate level we cannot expect a growth in the number of scientists from underrepresented groups receiving doctorates and continuing in research. So again, when I am in a position to do so, I intend formulating strategies to provide the financial means for these students to complete undergraduate studies. For companies that will agree to contribute to this cause, it would of course not be seen as an expense but rather an investment in human capital.

In addition to my above-mentioned intended role, being a woman I would love to be seen as a role model for other women out there. The realm of Science has been dominated by the less-fairer sex and it is time that there was a shift in that paradigm. South Africa has a long way to go in terms of equalising the perceived rights of both men and women. I once heard at a talk by a Human Rights activist that woman’s rights in society are realised through economic empowerment. It is true that an economically empowered woman is seen as a powerful woman and is respected in society. This begs the question, how does one go about economically empowering women? One such solution is to educate them!

I think by now I have solidified my stance on the importance of a good education and how I have already and how I intend on being instrumental in the upliftment of civil society through the promotion of good education. My ideas may not be extraordinary but this illustrates my point that we all have the ability to make a difference even with the simplest of notions, the FHSST being a prime example of this. My intended role in civil society covers two aspects of human rights – the right to preventative, promotive and curative health care as well as the right to education. If I am successful in both intentions, then I will be tackling the issue of poverty in our country from two angles. As mentioned before, the probability of finding a cure or a vaccine for an infectious disease is rather low, but that will not prevent me from carrying out my research to the best of my ability with the utmost enthusiasm and drive. Furthermore, I know that I probably won’t pave the way for every single student out there to receive a good education but I certainly will try. Don’t get me wrong, I’m not being pessimistic, but rather I am being realistic about my goals. In doing so, when I achieve such goals, there is room for me to establish more ambitious goals and so forth as opposed to setting unachievable goals that will only leave me feeling despondent. In closing, there is a quote from Einstein that is very appropriate to my purpose. “The world is not dangerous because of those who do harm but because of those who look at it without doing anything …” I will be someone who does something …!



[back to top]

Shannon Morreira Solidarity, regionalism and difference: the need for civic involvement in issues of asylum seeking and refugees in relation to the South African state

I would like to centre this essay round two examples that arose from the work I have been doing over the last two years as both anthropologist and as activist for the non-governmental organisation People Against Suffering, Suppression, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). I describe these two case studies in order to provide an introduction to my intended role within civil society, using them as a way of exploring the juxtaposition of different modes of thinking about suffering and human rights that occur in interactions between asylum seekers, activists, media representatives and government representatives in the many discourses within South Africa around issues of migrancy and mobility. My intended research aims to use the Zimbabwean crisis and its attendant entry of undocumented migrants to South Africa as a case study which can provide a means of evaluating South Africa’s stance on human rights violations in the region, and how this translates on the ground, in interactions between asylum seekers and Home Affairs officials, thus exploring state delivery on the international rights agreements to which it is signatory (see attached proposal).

On a windy Sunday night in Cape Town at the tail end of winter, 2007, I stood on a pavement beneath a highway overpass, surrounded by an incongruous mix of journalists, activists and illegal immigrants. The branch of Home Affairs that deals with applications for asylum is tucked away at the very bottom of Adderley Street, one of central Cape Town’s major roads, beneath the highway that runs towards The Waterfront and the Cape Town Convention Centre, two symbols of the economic success of the so-called New South Africa. Things were very different beneath the highway, however. To my right there was a car park that stretched to the harbour fence: no congestion of new cars here as at the Waterfront, the people who come here do not drive, but walk, or catch local taxis. To my left lay a road upon which trucks delivering goods to the harbour constantly drove, noisily, and belching diesel fumes. Directly in front of me was a narrow strip of sand between a wire fence following the roadside, and the building that houses the Home Affairs refugee centre. This strip, wide enough for a person to lie down, head to the wall and feet at the fence, has been the home of a semi-transient group of Zimbabwean asylum seekers, who sleep outside Home Affairs in the hopes of being the first in the queue in the morning, and thus acquiring a solid date for the appointment that is the first step in the process of seeking asylum in South Africa. Some of them had been living on this sandy strip for over a year, and had yet to be allocated an appointment. On this night in early October, a group of activists, including myself, had come to sleep beside the asylum seekers, in order to “show solidarity” and bring to attention the inefficiency and possible corruption of Home Affairs. The media had been alerted to this plan, and had come along to see whether this might be a story worth retelling.

A journalist standing in front of me asked of an asylum seeker, “Why are you in South Africa? Are things so bad in Zimbabwe?”

When the man nodded, she went on to ask, “Were you beaten by the police?”

“Sometimes,” replied the man, “but I am here because my family were hungry.”

I know this man, and I am thus aware that the “sometimes” with which he covered incidences of violence in Zimbabwe encapsulates a wide range of experiences: from “small” beatings for being assumed to be a supporter of the opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) to “bad” beatings at the hands of the Youth Militia when he refused to take a stick to a woman he had grown up with, and who was, according to the militia, needing “punishment”. Yet these experiences were not the only, or perhaps even the main, motivating force behind leaving Zimbabwe, for him and for many others. As another asylum seeker put it to me, “An economic refugee is still a refuge. It’s much easier to die of hunger in Zimbabwe than it is to die by the police. One might happen: the other will.” Yet the journalist outside Home Affairs that night in October was not interested in the man’s main response.

“Sometimes?” She queried. “When? What happened to you?”

“Yes I have been beaten,” the man said. “So have many others. But every day we are suffering.”

“Yes you have suffered,” the journalist replied. She thanked him and walked away.

What does this example illustrate about the role I see for myself in civil society? “You have suffered,” said the journalist, while the man had in fact been speaking of both the past and the present: we are still suffering on the South African side of the border. The activists present that night at Home Affairs, and the activists and illegal immigrants present again the next day to protest, were there because of what they consider to be ongoing violations: they were protesting occurrences in South Africa, not Zimbabwe. By law, immigrants are allowed to present their stories to Home Affairs in order to apply for asylum. The inefficiency of Home Affairs, however, ensures that many are deported back to a situation of violence and starvation whilst still waiting for an initial appointment that could secure them asylum seeker papers. The work I intend to conduct, continuing working with PASSOP as an activist and administrator, and continuing my academic work in this area, seeks to bring to attention the South African state’s inefficiency in this regard, an inefficiency that is read by many asylum seekers as an affirmation that South Africa supports Mugabe’s government, and does not care for democracy. The South African government’s endorsement of Robert Mugabe as a legitimate head of state following the deeply flawed 2008 electoral process has sent a disturbing message to the world: what does democracy mean in this instance, and how might South Africa be hailed as a democratic success story if it is willing to disregard a blatant dissolution of democracy in the region? I feel these are important questions and ones that academics and civil groups should be highlighting in the present climate of uncertainty in South Africa that has followed the ANC’s call for the resignation of President Thabo Mbeki.

With these ideas in mind, I wish to move on to my second case study which builds upon the idea of a South African disregard for a crisis of democracy in the region. Sekai, a 59 year old woman who originated from a rural area in the Midlands of Zimbabwe, had been living with her husband in a high density suburb of Harare for twenty years at the time of Murambatsvina, a Zimbabwean government initiative that tore down houses and businesses in high density areas, and which is understood locally as a punishment for voting for the opposition party, MDC. She and her husband were woken by the police early in the morning and, along with neighbours, forced at gunpoint to demolish their own brick houses. At the time of Murambatsvina, her husband was working as a carpenter, while she sold chickens and eggs that she raised in her backyard. These chickens were confiscated by the police “because they said it was people like me who were destroying our economy. I just sold those chickens and eggs because otherwise we would be starving.” Her husband hurt his hand demolishing their home, and was unable to work. They decided to go back to their rural place of origin, where they still had family, “because there was nothing for us in Harare. We had lost everything. The police wanted to send us to Caledonia but we went to our own place.” Upon arrival, they found acute food shortages, and little welcome from family members “as they thought since we had been evicted we must be MDC. We were a danger to them.” They had little access to food, and upon the arrival of food aid to the area food was denied to them as “they said we were MDC”. They stayed in the rural areas for six months, relying on food sent from their daughter in South Africa. During this time Sekai’s husband died, and, as it was his extended family they were staying with, Sekai was forced to move again. She went back to Harare but could not make a living. Her daughter sent her money and she came to South Africa. “I would never have come before Murambatsvina. But there was no place for me in my country. I thought here (in South Africa) though, at least I would be able to show people what is happening at home.”

Sekai was thus internally displaced twice as a direct result of Operation Murambatsvina, and moved across the border as she felt she now had no other choice. Her story was chosen as it echoes the stories of many others with whom I have spoken. When being interviewed by Home Affairs in Cape Town, however, the emphasis of the questions, she said, was directed to a period of time just before she left Zimbabwe. Murambatsvina had happened nine months prior to this, and so she did not tell Home Affairs about this as “they didn’t ask. They only wanted to know about just before I came. They then said I’m just an economic migrant.”

The first thing I wish to highlight from Sekai’s story is her expectation that South Africa would allow a space of recognition when she told people “what was happening at home”. Previous fieldwork I have carried out in this area has shown that South Africa is perceived by immigrants as a beacon of democracy and justice, a place where violence is acknowledged and a process of healing through acknowledgement of violation is possible. However, Sekai’s expectations of spaces for public acknowledgement of violation were, in interaction with the South African state, shown to be invalid. Power dynamics obviously come into play in this instance: Sekai did not feel she was in a position to offer the elements of her story that she thought were important, but only to answer the questions asked. Thus, the second issue from Sekai’s narrative that I wish to highlight here is her categorisation as economic migrant on the basis of very selective questioning, and, further, upon a disregard of economic rights violations as legitimate. On paper, second generation rights (economic and social rights) have as much legitimacy as do first generation rights (political and civil rights) (Messer, 1993; see also Robertson, 2006). In reality, however, these rights are often disregarded, both for the South African nationals who live in extreme poverty, and for asylum seekers who attempt to draw upon them as a means of gaining refugee status.

I feel it is deeply important that the civil community engages with the South African state on the above issues of rights and violation, and explores precisely what, on the ground rather than on paper, the South African state holds as a legitimate violation that would allow for refugee status. Regionally, South Africa has a reputation for democracy, justice and openness, following the peaceful transition in 1994 and the unprecedented public acknowledgement of wrongdoing that occurred during the Trust and Reconciliation Commission. I feel it is the role of young South Africans such as myself to challenge the state where this reputation is shown to be erroneous. It seems imperative to me that South Africa fulfils the potential that it has, through its economic and moral standing within the region, to promote democracy and human rights; and, where this is not occurring, for academics and civil movements to hold the state accountable.



[back to top]